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519744
research-article2014
IJOXXX10.1177/0306624X13519744International Journal of Offender Therapy and Comparative CriminologyHagenauw et al.
Article
Specific Risk Factors of
Arsonists in a Forensic
Psychiatric Hospital
International Journal of
Offender Therapy and
Comparative Criminology
2015, Vol. 59(7) 685­–700
© The Author(s) 2014
Reprints and permissions:
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DOI: 10.1177/0306624X13519744
ijo.sagepub.com
Loes A. Hagenauw1, Julie Karsten1,
Gerjonne J. Akkerman-Bouwsema1,
Bert E. de Jager1, and Marike Lancel1
Abstract
Arsonists are often treated in forensic settings. However, high recidivism rates indicate
that treatment is not yet optimal for these offenders. The aim of this case series
study is to identify arsonist specific dynamic risk factors that can be targeted during
treatment. For this study, we used patient files of and interviews with all patients
that were currently housed at a forensic psychiatric hospital in the Netherlands (14
arsonists, 59 non-arsonists). To delineate differences in risk factors between arsonists
and non-arsonists, scores on the risk assessment instrument the Historical Clinical
Future–30 (HKT-30; completed for 11 arsonists and 35 non-arsonists), an instrument
similar to the Historical Clinical Risk Management–20 (HCR-20), were compared.
The groups did not differ on demographic factors and psychopathology. Concerning
dynamic risk factors, arsonists had significantly poorer social and relational skills and
were more hostile. Although this study needs replication, these findings suggest that
the treatment of people involved in firesetting should particularly target these risk
factors.
Keywords
firesetting, recidivism, forensic psychiatry, risk factors, dynamic variables
1GGZ
Drenthe, Assen, The Netherlands
Corresponding Author:
Loes A. Hagenauw, Researcher, GGZ Drenthe, Mental Health Services, Department of Forensic
Psychiatry, Post box 30007, 9400 RA Assen, The Netherlands.
Email: loes.hagenauw@ggzdrenthe.nl
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International Journal of Offender Therapy and Comparative Criminology 59(7)
Introduction
Arson is a violent type of criminal act that has devastating personal, financial, and
social consequences (Geller, 2008). In the Netherlands, in 2011, 41,000 fires were
registered. Of these, 22% of the indoor fires and 66% of the outdoor fires were due to
firesetting (Baak & Steenbrink, 2012). Often, arson is thought to be a consequence of
psychiatric disorders (Ritchie & Huff, 1999), suggesting that people committing arson
should be treated to reduce the risk of future re-offending, that is risk of recidivism.
However, arson is a criminal act easily missed in the forensic psychiatric field. As
Grant (2010) pointed out, patients are not likely to share information about this behavior unless specifically asked, due to shame and secrecy. This implies that there are
more patients in the forensic setting that have been involved in firesetting than are
documented. If this is the case, it is unlikely that these patients are referred to appropriate treatment. Moreover, Philipse (2005) showed that 36.4% of arsonists who have
been treated in a forensic psychiatric hospital (FPH) are re-convicted for various criminal acts, such as violent and sexual crimes. In contrast, only 16.4% of the non-arsonists who received similar treatment are re-convicted. The relatively high recidivism
rate for arsonists found by Philipse, also confirmed by other studies (DeJong,
Virkkunen, & Linnoila, 1992; Repo & Virkkunen, 1997; Repo, Virkkunen, Rawlings,
& Linnoila, 1997), indicates that a general forensic psychiatric treatment does not suffice and that treatment more specifically tailored to arsonists may be indicated.
Recidivism risk is determined by several factors. These are general risk factors—
factors that are of importance in all offenders—and specific risk factors—factors particularly relevant for a specific group of offenders, such as arsonists (de Ruiter &
Veen, 2005). Both types of risk factors can be divided into static and dynamic risk
factors. Static factors, such as gender, are stable and unlikely to change. Dynamic factors, for instance, impulsivity, can be modified. Although static risk factors are useful
for predicting recidivism risk in the long run, these factors offer little guidance for
treatment. To successfully reduce the risk of recidivism in violent criminal acts, including arson, and non-violent criminal acts, treatment should be aimed at specific dynamic
risk factors. That is, treatment should focus on those factors known to predict reoffending and can be changed by therapeutic interventions (Andrews, 1989; de Ruiter
& Veen, 2005).
However, international studies on dynamic risk factors for arsonists are rare, as
most studies investigated static, unchangeable characteristics. In general, arsonists are
relatively young, Caucasian males with limited education and a low economic status
(Blanco et al., 2010; Grant & Kim, 2007; Leong, 1992; Lindberg, Holi, Tani, &
Virkkunen, 2005; O’Sullivan & Kelleher, 1987; Puri, Baxter, & Cordess, 1995; Rice
& Harris, 1991; Ritchie & Huff, 1999). Labree, Nijman, van Marle, and Rassin (2010)
studied the characteristics of male arsonists (n = 25) and a randomly selected control
group of non-arsonists (n = 50) admitted to a Dutch FPH. In this study, the group of
arsonists consisted of patients with arson as their index criminal act (i.e., the main
reason for their involuntary admission). Arsonists, compared with non-arsonists, had a
more extended history of psychiatric treatment, more severe problems with alcohol
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Hagenauw et al.
abuse, and were less likely to be diagnosed with a psychotic disorder. In addition,
arsonists were characterized by low juvenile delinquency and lifelong traits such as
high impulsivity and low superficial charm, as measured by the Psychopathy
Checklist–Revised (PCL-R; Hare, 2003). Research on specific dynamic risk factors
for arsonists amenable to treatment is needed.
In addition to specific dynamic risk factors, specific motives for firesetting could
also be a useful target for the treatment of arsonists. Pyromania is often the only motive
considered, yet motives for firesetting vary greatly (White, 1996; Williams, 2002).
Motives for setting a fire include revenge, financial fraud, crime concealment, the
desire to be regarded as a hero, sensation seeking or peer pressure, terrorism, a cry for
help, or an attempt to self-harm. Alternatively, some arsonists set fire as a direct result
of symptoms related to a primary psychiatric disorder, such as schizophrenia, substance abuse, or antisocial personality disorder (Gannon & Pina, 2010; Horley &
Bowlby, 2011; Ritchie & Huff, 1999). Even among arsonists, pyromania is not a common diagnosis. Lindberg and colleagues (2005) reported that out of 90 forensic psychiatric patients who had committed arson, only 3% could be diagnosed with
pyromania. Williams (2002) stated that even less than 2% of all people who commit
arson can receive a diagnosis of pyromania.
Recently, Gannon, Ciardha, Doley, and Alleyne (2012) developed the MultiTrajectory Theory of Adult Firesetting (M-TTAF). This theory encompasses five prototypical trajectories leading to firesetting, each describing the characteristics of
developmental, biological, psychological, and contextual factors that can lead to firesetting. Evidence based risk factors could be used to fit patients in one or more
M-TTAF trajectories, thereby providing a more arson specific treatment program and
further reducing recidivism risk.
The aim of the current case review was to delineate characteristics of arsonists,
their motives, and specific dynamic risk factors, and incorporate these into the best
fitting M-TTAF trajectories.
Method
Participants and Procedure
Participants were recruited from the FPH of the Mental Health Service in Assen, the
Netherlands. This is a treatment facility for people with psychiatric disorders who
have committed or are at risk of committing a criminal act. The aim of the treatment is
to reduce the psychiatric symptomatology and the risk of recidivism.
At the time of this study, 73 patients were housed at this hospital. This study
includes both information from patient files and patient interviews. As all patients
agreed on admission that their files are available to scientific research, all 73 patient
files were included in the current study. Regarding the additional patient interview,
used for diagnostic purposes, all 73 patients were informed orally about the nature of
this study and requested to participate. They were informed of the fact that research
data would be anonymised and were not used for judicial purposes. Participation in the
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International Journal of Offender Therapy and Comparative Criminology 59(7)
additional face-to-face interview (conducted by the authors) was voluntary and
rewarded with € 5,-.
Of the 73 patients, 9 refused to be interviewed. The majority of these nine patients
(n = 6) were diagnosed with a Personality Disorder Not Otherwise Specified (NOS)
with cluster B features or a cluster B personality disorder. Six other patients were
unable to take part in the interview due to the severity of their psychiatric disorder,
mainly schizophrenia or another psychotic disorder. In total, 58 patients participated in
the interview (response rate = 88%).
No significant differences between compliers and non-compliers were found on
gender (94.8% males vs. 80.0% males) χ2(1) = 3.47, p > .05, age (M = 34.4 years, SE
= 1.37 vs. M = 34.5, SE = 3.03), t(71) = .04, p > .05, and main psychiatric diagnosis:
48.3% of the compliers had a main diagnosis on Axis I, as did 53.3% of the noncompliers, χ2(1) = .12, p > .05.
Measures
Arsonist status and motives. Arsonists and their motives were identified using the Minnesota Impulse Disorders Interview (MIDI; Christenson et al., 1994). This interview
assesses impulse control disorders: pyromania, compulsive shopping, kleptomania,
trichotillomania, intermittent explosive disorder, pathological gambling, and sexual
compulsion. Motives for firesetting were categorized in accordance with Williams
(2002). In the case of multiple motives, the most salient one was selected. In addition,
patient files, including those of the patients who were unable or refused to participate
in the interview, were studied to (a) identify arsonists not participating in the interview, (b) identify arsonists not admitting arson in the interview, and (c) obtain demographic data, Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (4th ed.;
DSM-IV; American Psychiatric Association [APA], 1994) diagnoses and motives for
firesetting. This information was obtained from psychiatric pre-trial reports and previous arrest records. DSM-IV diagnoses were taken from patient files. A patient was
classified as an arsonist if he or she had set fire deliberately and/or had been previously convicted for arson. Patients who had set fire only before the age of 18 were not
classified as arsonists (n = 19).
Risk factors. To assess risk factors for aggressive recidivism, the Historical Clinical
Future–30 (HKT-30; Werkgroep Risicotaxatie Forensische Psychiatrie, 2003) was
used. The HKT–30 is a Dutch structured professional judgment risk assessment method
designed for the assessment of risk of future violence in adult offenders. It is based on
the Historical Clinical Risk Management–20 (HCR-20; Webster, Douglas, Eaves, Hart,
& Ogloff, 1997) and consists of three scales: historical scale (11 items), clinical scale
(13 items), and future and situational scale (6 items). All items are scored on a 5-point
scale, ranging from 0 to 4. Higher scores indicate higher risk. As a final step, the clinician judges the risk of recidivism to be “low,” “medium,” or “high.” Studies show that
risk assessments based on structured professional judgments are more reliable and have
a higher predictive validity than unstructured clinical judgments (Douglas, Guy, Reeves,
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Hagenauw et al.
& Weir, 2008). The reliability and predictive validity of the HKT-30 are comparable to
those of the HCR-20 (Hildebrand, Hesper, Spreen, & Nijman, 2005; van den Brink,
Hooijschuur, van Os, Savenije, & Wiersma, 2010). For the purposes of this study, data
were obtained from the first HKT-30 of each patient, which was scored approximately
6 months after admission to the hospital. A complete data set was available for 46
patients. Clinicians had already filled out the HKT-30 before the start of this study and
were therefore unbiased with respect to this investigation.
The M-TTAF
The arsonists are classified according to the five trajectories of the M-TTAF. The five
trajectories are defined as (a) Antisocial, characterized by offense-supportive attitude,
self-regulation issues, antisocial values, and impulsivity; (b) Grievance, defined by
self-regulation issues, communication problems, low assertiveness, and hostility; (c)
Fire interest, with risk factors: inappropriate fire interest, offense-supportive attitudes,
fire fascination, and impulsivity; (d) Emotionally expressive/need for recognition,
defined by communication problems, self-regulations issues, impulsivity, and depression; and (e) Multi-faceted, characterized by offense-supportive attitudes, self-regulation and communication problems, fire fascination, antisocial values, and conduct
disorder/antisocial personality disorder.
Statistical Analyses
To analyze the differences between arsonists and non-arsonists on demographic data,
the chi-square test was used. As the assumption for normal distribution was violated,
the Mann–Whitney U test (two-sided) was used to analyze the extent to which arsonists differed from non-arsonists with respect to their historical, clinical, and future risk
factors. Differences between arsonists and non-arsonists were analyzed on item level
only when differences reached significance on subscale level.
Results
Characteristics of Arsonists
Out of the 73 patients, 14 patients (19.2%) could be classified as arsonist. Of these,
eight were identified as arsonist based on their patient file and the MIDI interview. An
additional three were not recognized on the basis of their patient files but were identified using the MIDI interview. The remaining three patients did not participate in the
interview and were identified as arsonists by their file. None of the arsonists who
participated in the interview was identified by his or her file only. Similar to nonarsonists, most arsonists were admitted to the hospital after committing an aggressive
criminal act (91.5% and 93.0%, respectively). A criminal act was considered aggressive when coercion or compulsion was used towards persons or objects, resulting in
psychological or physical damage (Werkgroep Risicotaxatie Forensische Psychiatrie,
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International Journal of Offender Therapy and Comparative Criminology 59(7)
Table 1. Patient Characteristics (N = 73).
Non-arsonists (n = 59)
Gender
Male
Highest education
No education
High school
Some college or higher
DSM-IV main diagnoses
Axis I
Axis II
Co-morbid substance dependence/
abuse
Admission after committing an
aggressive offense
Arsonists (n = 14)
n
%
n
%
56
94.9
11
78.6
24
15
19
41.4
25.9
32.8
6
5
3
42.9
35.7
21.4
32
27
37
54.2
45.8
62.7
4
10
11
28.6
71.4
78.6
54
91.5
13
93.0
Note. DSM-IV = Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders (4th ed.).
2003). Besides arson, nearly all arsonists (n = 13) were convicted of at least one other
type of criminal act, for instance, assault (n = 10) or property crimes without violence
(n = 8). There were no significant differences between arsonists and non-arsonists
regarding demographic data (Table 1). The arsonist sample consisted of 11 males and
3 females, with a mean age of 33.7 years (SD = 12.5).
Although the difference with non-arsonists was only a trend toward significance (p
< .1), the majority of arsonists had a main diagnosis on Axis II of the DSM-IV, that is,
71.4% versus 45.8% of the non-arsonists. Of the arsonists with a main diagnosis on
Axis II, three suffered from personality disorder NOS and three from a borderline
personality disorder (all female). Three patients had a borderline, antisocial, or narcissistic personality disorder or features thereof, and one patient was diagnosed with a
mixed personality disorder. Substance abuse/dependency was diagnosed in 78.6% of
the cases (10 males and 1 female) and for non-arsonists in 62.7% of the cases. This
difference was not significant. Nearly half (46.2%) of the arsonists were intoxicated
while setting fire: Three were under the influence of alcohol, one under the influence
of drugs, and three were intoxicated by both. Half of the interviewed arsonists and
non-arsonists (50.0% vs. 54.0%) had one or more impulse control disorders. All arsonists with an impulse control disorder (n = 4) had an intermittent explosive disorder.
One patient had an additional diagnosis of kleptomania, and another patient had an
additional diagnosis of compulsive sexual disorder. Most of the non-arsonists with an
impulse control disorder had an intermittent explosive disorder (n = 13), followed by
pathological gambling (n = 9) and compulsive buying (n = 9).
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Hagenauw et al.
Risk Factors
Comparisons between arsonists and non-arsonists on the indicators of the HKT-30
revealed several differences. Total scores on the HKT-30 (U = 87.00, z = −2.72, p <
.05, d = .99) of the arsonists exceeded those of non-arsonists, indicating a higher risk
for violent recidivism. Especially, the historical (U = 111.50, z = −2.09, p < .05, d =
1.14) and clinical (U = 130.50, z = −2.30, p < .05, d = .90) subscales were significantly
higher (Table 2), indicating static as well as dynamic arsonist specific factors that can
be targeted during treatment. With respect to historical indicators, arsonists had a more
serious history of behavioral problems before the age of 12. These behavioral problems consisted mainly of oppositional behavior, such as getting involved in fights and
arguing at home or school. They also had a more extensive history of mental health
care: at least one (involuntary) admission in the past. Third, a higher percentage of the
arsonists were diagnosed with a psychotic disorder in the past. This includes a diagnosis of schizophrenia, manic depression psychosis, psychogenic psychosis, or other
psychotic disorders. Concerning the dynamic, clinical indicators, arsonists were more
hostile. They were more passive aggressive and were more easily irritated even without immediate cause. In addition, they had poorer social and relational skills, causing
problems in social and relational areas. Regarding the structured professional judgment, all arsonists and 67.6% of the non-arsonists were judged to be at high risk of
recidivism. However, the difference between the two groups only reached a trend
toward significance (p < .1), which is possibly due to a lack of power.
Motives for Firesetting
Motivation for firesetting was assessed by the MIDI or obtained from patient files
(Table 3). Four arsonists were motivated by revenge. Other motives for arson were
vandalism/boredom/sensation seeking and/or peer pressure, a cry for help, and an
attempt to self-harm. For four other patients, the firesetting was a result of psychotic
delusions or hallucinations. None of the patients was diagnosed with pyromania.
Three-quarters of the interviewed arsonists reported not to feel any lust, gratification,
or relief while setting the fire, excluding them from the diagnosis of pyromania. Only
one arsonist acknowledged that he had experienced gratification after setting a fire.
However, this patient was diagnosed with an antisocial personality disorder, an exclusion criterion for pyromania.
The M-TTAF
Although some arsonists fit in multiple trajectories, we classified them in the most
appropriate trajectory, based on their dynamic risk factors and motives for setting fire.
Four patients fit in the grievance trajectory, three in the antisocial trajectory, and
three in the emotionally expressive/need for recognition trajectory. Four arsonists set
fire as a result of psychotic delusions or hallucinations. Therefore, none of the M-TTAF
trajectories was applicable. This group includes all the female arsonists (n = 3).
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International Journal of Offender Therapy and Comparative Criminology 59(7)
Table 2. Risk Factors HKT-30.
Non-arsonists (n = 35)
Historical and static indicatorsa
Criminal history
Violation of conditions regarding treatment
and supervision
Behavior problems before the age of 12
Victim of violence in youth (till 18 years)
History of mental health care
Employment history
Substance abuse
Psychotic disorders
Personality disorders
Psychopathy
Sexual deviance
Total score H-indicators
Clinic and dynamic indicatorsa
Problem insight
Psychotic symptoms
Substance abuse
Impulsivity
Empathy
Hostility
Social and relational skills
Self-reliance
Acculturation problems
Attitude in relation to treatment
Responsibility for the offense
Sexual preoccupation
Coping skills
Total score K-indicators
Future indicatorsb
Agreement on conditions
Material indicators
Daily activities
Skills
Social support and network
Exposure to destabilisers
Total score HKT-30
Arsonists (n = 11)
M
±SD
M
±SD
2.1
2.2
±1.3
±1.6
2.6
2.6
±1.4
±0.8
1.0
2.3
2.6
2.6
2.8
1.1
1.8
0.4
0.6
19.4
±1.3
±1.3
±1.4
±1.3
±1.6
±1.6
±1.0
±0.5
±1.2
±7.1
2.0
2.6
3.5
2.5
2.8
2.3
2.4
1.1
0.4
24.6
±1.3*
±1.4
±1.0*
±1.2
±1.8
±1.7*
±0.7
±1.4
±0.9
±5.5*
2.4
0.5
0.8
1.5
2.1
1.3
2.2
1.5
0.8
1.4
1.8
0.2
2.7
19.1
±0.9
±1.1
±1.3
±1.0
±0.8
±1.0
±0.7
±1.2
±1.1
±0.9
±1.0
±0.4
±0.7
±5.5
2.6
1.6
0.8
2.4
2.3
2.3
3.0
2.1
0.4
2.0
2.3
0.5
2.9
25.0
±0.9
±1.8
±1.4
±1.2
±0.9
±1.0*
±0.6*
±1.2
±0.8
±1.1
±0.7
±0.9
±0.7
±7.4*
2.0
3.1
3.1
2.6
2.7
3.3
55.0
±0.8
±0.8
±1.3
±0.8
±0.8
±0.9
±12.6
1.9
2.9
3.3
2.7
2.9
3.7
67.1
±0.8
±0.9
±1.0
±0.9
±0.5
±0.5
±11.5*
Note. HKT-30 = Historical Clinical Future–30.
aMann–Whitney U test (two-sided).
bDifferences on item level were not tested, as the difference on the Future subscale as a whole did not
reach significance.
*p=<.05.
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Hagenauw et al.
Table 3. Motives for Firesetting.
Arsonists (n = 14)
n
%
Revenge
Result of psychiatric delusions or hallucinations
Vandalism/boredom/sensation seeking and/or peer pressure
Cry for help
Attempt to self-harm
4
4
3
2
1
28.6
28.6
21.4
14.3
7.1
None of the arsonists was best defined by the fire interest or multi-faceted
trajectory.
Discussion
Characteristics of Arsonists
In this case series, we aimed to identify characteristics, dynamic risk factors, and
motives of arsonists in a FPH. Of the patient population, we found 19.2% to have set
fire at least once in their adult lives. No significant differences were found on demographic data or psychiatric disorders between arsonists and non-arsonists. The majority of both arsonists and non-arsonists had a personality disorder as a main diagnosis,
more specifically, a personality disorder NOS with cluster B features or cluster B
personality disorder. These include antisocial personality disorder, narcissistic personality disorder, or borderline personality disorder, the latter in women only. None of the
arsonists met the DSM-IV criteria for pyromania. Most arsonists and non-arsonists had
a co-morbid substance dependence or disorder. Almost all arsonists were convicted for
at least one other type of criminal act. For both arsonists and non-arsonists, assault and
property crimes without violence were the most common (other) types of criminal
acts.
The present observation that there are no differences on demographic variables and
psychiatric disorders between arsonists and non-arsonists is in line with earlier research
(Horley & Bowlby, 2011). The finding that the majority of the arsonists had a main
diagnosis on Axis II is also in agreement with previous studies (Dolan, Millington, &
Park, 2002; Geller, 1987; Hill et al., 1982; Lindberg et al., 2005). Vaughn et al. (2010)
found that an antisocial personality disorder was 12 times more prevalent in arsonists
than in the general population. In the present study, all interviewed arsonists were
diagnosed with an intermittent explosive disorder. In the study of Virkkunen, DeJong,
Bartko, Goodwin, and Linnoila (1989), an intermittent explosive disorder was present
in 15 of the 22 investigated arsonists. It is not surprising that none of the arsonists met
the criteria for pyromania, considering the low prevalence, around 3% found in previous studies (Lindberg et al., 2005; Williams, 2002). This is probably due to the extensive exclusion criteria. To qualify, firesetting should not be driven by delusion,
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International Journal of Offender Therapy and Comparative Criminology 59(7)
personality disorder, or while intoxicated, should not result from revenge, and should
not have a financial gain or concealment of crime as a primary goal (APA, 2001). In
addition, in the present study, these exclusion criteria were very common. Our data
support the finding of other studies that arsonists may be considered as a versatile type
of offender (Harris & Rice, 1996; Hurley & Monahan, 1969; McKerracher & Dacre,
1966; Rice & Harris, 1996). For example, the study of Repo and colleagues (1997)
showed that, of the 282 studied arsonists referred for a pre-trail psychiatric assessment, 39% had committed other non-violent crimes and 40% had committed one or
more violent crimes.
Risk Factors
We found several distinct differences between arsonists and non-arsonists on risk factors for recidivism. Regarding static (historical) risk factors, arsonists had more behavioral problems before the age of 12 and a more extensive history of mental health care.
These findings are in reasonable agreement with earlier research. Jackson, Hope, and
Glass (1987) studied the factors differentiating arsonists from other types of offenders
from a maximum security hospital. They found that arsonists were taken into care or
custody at an earlier age than non-arsonists. Labree and colleagues (2010) observed
that arsonists admitted to a Dutch FPH were more likely than non-arsonists (from the
same hospital) to be treated for psychiatric disorders prior to their index offense.
This study adds to the existing literature by focusing not only on static but also on
dynamic factors that can be useful for clinicians in guiding treatment. Our results on
dynamic risk factors show that arsonists are more hostile and have fewer social and
relational skills than non-arsonists. Good social and relational skills are important to
solve conflicts in an acceptable way. Moreover, these skills may prevent isolation,
inner tension, hostility, and dissatisfaction with life. Hostility may manifest itself in a
passive aggressive way, cynicism, and irritation, but also in a severe form of verbal
and physical aggression (Werkgroep Risicotaxatie Forensische Psychiatrie, 2003).
Several previous studies (Geller, 1992; Jackson et al., 1987; Labree et al., 2010; Rice
& Chaplin, 1979) also found that arsonists are less assertive and lack social skills
compared with other offenders. They are less likely to ventilate their feelings adequately when angry, disappointed, or hurt, and describe themselves as shy and socially
withdrawn. Concerning these findings, arson can be seen as an impulsive outburst of
anger in which the arsonist can hide his or her deficiencies and express his or her feelings and emotions with fire. Already in 1966, McKerracher and Dacre hypothesized
that firesetting was a substitute for a suppressed aggressive drive and that direct physical aggression was internally inhibited.
Given these risk factors, the majority of arsonists in our study can be viewed in the
light of the grievance (40%) and antisocial (30%) trajectory of the M-TTAF. Arsonists
following the grievance trajectory have problems in the area of aggression, anger, and
hostility. They are unable to display these negative feelings in conventional manners
because of a lack of social and communication skills, and assertiveness. Out of
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Hagenauw et al.
revenge, these arsonists are likely to displace their anger by means of fire to deliver
warnings to others. Most firesetters in this trajectory are likely to have a history of
being a victim or a witness of aggression in their youth. In our study, four arsonists fit
the grievance trajectory. All of the fires were set out of revenge, and three out of four
suffered from psychological or physical abuse in their childhood. Furthermore, they
all have great difficulties with their social and relational skills.
Firesetters in the antisocial trajectory view criminal activity as a way of life. They
are not so much interested or fascinated by fire in itself but consider it a tool to a different end. They experience difficulties with self-regulation issues and favor antisocial
values. Their criminal careers are likely to start at an early age, and they may have
been diagnosed with a conduct or antisocial personality disorder. All patients in our
study fitting this trajectory were convicted for at least four different kinds of offenses.
They received their first conviction around the age of 15, and an antisocial personality
disorder or features thereof was diagnosed in all of them. In most cases, fires were set
out of mischief with boredom/vandalism and excitement as primary motivators.
Intriguingly in the present study, all arsonists are judged by professionals to be at
high risk to recidivate. This high risk is in line with earlier studies demonstrating a
high recidivism rate for arsonists (DeJong et al., 1992; Philipse, 2005; Repo &
Virkkunen, 1997; Repo et al., 1997). A possible explanation for the high risk judgment
for all arsonists in our study is their variety in criminal acts. Repo and colleagues
(1997) found that arsonists, referred for a pre-trial psychiatric assessment, have a heterogeneous criminal act history. The majority of the arsonists they studied, had,
besides arson, committed other crimes. The study of Rix (1994) showed that 81% of
the 153 studied arsonists, who were referred for pre-trial psychiatric reports, had previous convictions for violent and non-violent crimes. Only 18% had been convicted
earlier for arson only. As a versatile offender, arsonists may be relatively unpredictable, earning them a high risk judgment.
Motives
The reason most frequently given by patients for firesetting was revenge. In addition,
firesetting as a consequence of psychotic delusions or hallucinations was common.
These findings confirm earlier studies on this subject (Labree et al., 2010; O’Sullivan
& Kelleher, 1987; Rice & Harris 1991; Rix, 1994). For example, Rice and Harris
(1991) studied the characteristics of 243 male arsonists referred to a maximum security psychiatric facility. Revenge was the main motive in 40.3% and acute psychosis or
delusions in 26.9% of the arsonists. Labree and colleagues (2010) found in their study
that slightly more than half of their arsonists (52%) had set fire stemming from delusional thinking. Firesetting was driven by revenge in 36% of their cases. The role of
psychotic delusions or hallucinations in firesetting is not surprising, as the present and
referred studies were done in (forensic) psychiatric populations. To explore additional
motives for arson, it would be interesting to replicate this investigation outside a psychiatric setting, such as a prison.
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Implications
Although there are many interventions for firesetting behavior in children, few are
evidenced based, and studies on treatment programs for adult arsonists and their effectiveness are rare altogether (MacKay, Feldberg, Ward, & Marton, 2012; Palmer,
Caulfield, & Hollin, 2005; Putnam & Kirkpatrick, 2005). Therefore, it is unclear what
kind of treatment will optimally reduce recidivism risk (Gannon & Pina, 2010). The
combined characteristics and specific dynamic risk factors found in the present study
suggest a multi-faceted treatment, focusing on aggression regulation, assertiveness,
and social skills.
In the light of the M-TTAF theory, arsonists who follow the grievance and the antisocial trajectory could benefit from education regarding consequences of fire and
treatment that focuses on problem solving, assertiveness, and other forms of communication skills needed when angry and dealing with ruminative thinking styles. Social
skills training may be of value for psychiatric patients who committed arson, as suggested earlier by a study of Rice and Chaplin (1979). They observed positive effects of
a training aimed at learning how to express anger in an adequate way, such as making
and refusing requests and the ability to deal with criticism. These skills could help
lessen the need for arson as an expression of anger. Swaffer, Haggett, and Oxley
(2001) illustrated in a case study of a mentally disordered female arsonist admitted to
a PFH that multi-faceted treatment can be effective. This treatment consisted of education about the danger of fire, skills development (e.g., training in assertiveness, social
problem solving, and conflict resolutions skills), insight and self-awareness, and
relapse prevention. The patient developed appropriate assertiveness skills and
advanced her ability to express her emotions adequately. Unfortunately, no follow-up
data are available. Of course, if a psychiatric disorder underlies firesetting, case specific psychopathology should be targeted. For instance, if a borderline personality disorder played a crucial role, treatments commonly available for this disorder, such as
schema focused therapy or dialectical behavior therapy (Arntz, 2008; Stoffers et al.,
2012), could be beneficial.
Close to 80% of the arsonists in our study had a diagnosis of substance abuse/
dependency and almost half of the fires were set under the influence of substances.
These observations confirm results from international studies showing that alcohol
and drugs play a notable role in firesetting (Enayati, Grann, Lubbe, & Fazel, 2008;
Labree et al., 2010; Lindberg et al., 2005; Ritchie & Huff, 1999). These findings confirm the relevance of providing effective substance abuse treatment to this population
as well.
Strengths and Limitations
This study has both strengths and limitations. First, this is one of the few studies identifying risk factors for arsonists that can be used to guide clinical practice. Second, in
contrast to previous studies that focused on patients with arson as their index criminal
act only, we studied a broader and more diverse group of patients who deliberately
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Hagenauw et al.
committed arson at any time during their adult lives. Intriguingly, we have found comparable risk factors, suggesting that arson is committed by patients with a similar
pathological profile, sharing treatment needs. Third, we used multiple sources to
obtain our data such as interview and patient files. However, this is a case series study,
based on clinical evaluations and histories of a small number of arsonists (n = 14). The
results should therefore be interpreted with caution and mainly as an incentive for
further research. Although the results offer promising leads for treatment targets for
arsonists, they await replication in a larger sample. Finally, this study was restricted to
forensic psychiatric patients. It would be worthwhile to compare arsonists and nonarsonists in the forensic and general psychiatry as well as in prison settings, as differences between types of arsonists on dynamic risk factors could imply different
treatment needs.
Declaration of Conflicting Interests
The author(s) declared no potential conflicts of interest with respect to the research, authorship,
and/or publication of this article.
Funding
The author(s) received no financial support for the research, authorship, and/or publication of
this article.
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